Socialist Resistance : SR00 - October 2002

TUC Blackpool 2002 - New signs of life discovered!

Trades Union Congress - a week of mind-numbing boredom, stage-managed resolutions keeping sweet with the government, promoting partnership with the bosses. But this year someone tampered with the script. On a whole range of issues the TUC General Council found itself on the back foot - narrowly avoiding defeat only by retreating in the face of pressure from the left. Congress got off to a cracking start on Monday with a debate on rights at work followed by an impassioned argument over the threat of war.

Calling for a repeal of all the anti-union laws, RMT leader Bob Crow won an ovation pointing out that “Labour opposed every Tory anti-union law in opposition but now our Prime Minister boasts of having the most draconian laws.”

NUJ General Secretary Jeremy Dear highlighted the Italian trade union response to the threat to just one aspect of employment law – a general strike and two million workers taking to the streets, action which would be illegal under British law. Carried unanimously, the employment rights composite accused the government of breaching international obligations. Industry Minister Alan Johnson immediately responded by ruling out any change in the law.

With the war debate brought forward to Monday afternoon to protect Tony Blair, the General Council had come up with an “antiwar” statement that was critical of US policy and asserted its opposition to any “unilateral” military action. Only with the explicit authority of the UN Security Council would war be justified. But this “pro-war” position cut little ice with the mass of delegates.

The new generation of trade union leaders stamped their mark on the congress with a series of forthright rejections of this rotten compromise. As Mick Rix of ASLEF put it, “The UN is being used as a fig leaf. The US will launch strikes against Iraq whether weapons inspectors are admitted or not.”

“Which regime will Bush want to change next?”

Mark Serwotka for PCS asked, “Which regime will Bush want to change next?” Reminding delegates that, “it was the US which used chemical weapons in Vietnam and nuclear weapons in Japan,” Bob Crow called on everyone to join the 28 September demonstration, while Jeremy Dear of the NUJ pointed out that he had been “standing with those opposing Saddam Hussein when governments in the West were supplying him with arms.”

Billy Hayes of the CWU summed up the argument, “Let a clarion call come from this conference: No war on Iraq!”

Only one speaker backed war – Roger Lyons of Amicus, who claimed the anti-war amendment from the TSSA “could have come from Baghdad Trades Council.” Realising they had lost the debate TUC leader John Monks tried to argue, “there are no warmongers here.”

But still on a show of hands the TSSA amendment appeared to be passed. Only by holding a card vote could the major block votes of the TGWU, GMB and Amicus be used to defeat the rest of the conference – by 3.4 million to 2.4 million. What was clear was that those unions opposing war were going to go back from the congress to redouble their efforts to mobilise for the 28 September demo.

Blair’s escape

Tuesday was Blair day. “Blair escapes mauling” was how one paper presented it. But all the spin in the world cannot hide the fact that delegates, though respectful, found Blair’s speech difficult to swallow.

Trying to make the case for war, he convinced no one. Indeed, his evasions served to emphasise the vacuity of his argument. Telling us that Saddam Hussein has a wretched human rights record is beside the point.

And on domestic matters it was no better. What we had was a lecture on trade union “indulgence”. After telling us what a great job Labour has done – after all “we have given union learning reps proper recognition in law!” – we were blamed for the defeats of Labour in 1948, 1969 and 1979. And worse – the lesson we have to learn from the collapse of social democratic governments across Europe is that this is what happens when they “desert the centre ground, or where the Left has split its vote.”

For his speech a number of union delegations wore “Not in our name” t-shirts in protest against the threat of war. UNISON delegates were also going to do so – but to stifle this action the delegation agreed that all UNISON delegates should wear anti-privatisation shirts. A sign of the times – to have done that in the past would have led to rebukes, now it’s what is necessary to stop something worse! “A muted reception” fails to properly describe the way Blair was treated. His speech was applauded only when he referred to others in the room. Mostly it was stony silence. The end saw a half minute standing ovation from less than half the room.

Even the youth award recipient got better than that. In previous years delegates have been dragged to their feet if they failed to stand up for the main Labour speaker – not this time.

Wreckers win applause

A key debate for Wednesday was on privatisation. In a foretaste of the debate at Labour Party conference, delegates unanimously backed a composite opposing any privatisation and demanding the TUC mount a united campaign to increase public sector pay.

The mood has clearly shifted – no longer prepared to hold back, delegate after delegate launched bitter attacks on the destruction of public services being waged by the Labour government. Why should all the “extra investment” the government was now supposed to be making be going straight into the pockets of privatising companies instead of being invested in real improvements in public services and decent pay for public sector workers?

Mary Turner of the GMB, no friend of the left over the years, summed up the mood, winning a standing ovation wearing a “proud to be a wrecker” t-shirt.

Crow kept out of top flight

Much work behind the scenes ensured that some left General Secretaries lost votes in the General Council elections – Bob Crow was kept off the General Council, the first time that the RMT has not been represented in the history of the union.

Softly softly on the euro

On the euro, the TUC leadership was on the defensive. In previous years it has been John Monks and the TUC that have led the pro-euro lobby. But as the prospect of a referendum approaches the TUC was forced to be more circumspect.

Though outright opposition to the euro was defeated on a card vote, this was only successful on the basis of a guarantee that a special conference will be held to determine TUC policy once the government’s proposals are made clear.

The full impact of the euro on jobs, industry and public spending will then be debated. As delegates made clear, the key problem is that the growth and stability pact rules put strict limits on budget deficits and public spending. The TUC has to decide: who is the euro designed to benefit – the workers of Europe or the multinationals? does the euro defend the welfare state – or integrate the neo-liberal agenda into the heart of the EU?

Back in business

Congress concluded on Thursday with a call for the total renationalisation of the railways. On a range of policies the General Council had been forced to retreat. The mood has clearly changed now that Labour’s second term is truly underway. Business that was truncated by the early closure of last year’s congress has been resumed.

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